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Chaz Clifford
On March 14th, 2024, an article was published in the Trinidad Express Newspapers titled “Caricom should do more for Haiti”. It is a title that echoes the belief of so many in the Caribbean, the wider diaspora, the world, and even including myself to an extent; but, inevitably, in this article, one will discover that it is a weight too hard to lift for CARICOM.
As the sun sets over the azure waters of the Caribbean Sea, the region grapples with a crisis that defies easy solutions. Haiti, the land of resilience and revolution, stands at a crossroads. Its political turmoil, economic fragility, and social unrest have reached a crescendo in 2024 and CARICOM faces the daunting task of providing effective assistance to its troubled neighbor. But can CARICOM, a union of 15 member states in the Caribbean region, bear the weight of Haiti’s woes?
Haiti’s political landscape resembles a tempest-tossed ship. Waves of violence, corruption, and instability threaten to capsize any semblance of governance. On the 25th of April 2024, an article in the UN News titled “Senior UN aid official urges comprehensive response to Haiti crisis” noted that in the first quarter of 2024 alone, gang violence claimed the lives of approximately 2,500 Haitians, leaving schools, hospitals, and religious sites in ruins. The absence of key institutions, including the presidency and parliament, exacerbates the crisis. The Haitian people yearn for stability, but their ship remains adrift.
Now, let us pause for a moment and rewind a bit. Let us take a trip to the past before moving forward to determine whether CARICOM’s interventions into Haiti have been insufficient—or in much harsher words, an absolute failure. The regional body has mobilized swiftly in response to natural disasters within its member states. Hurricanes, floods, volcanic eruptions, and earthquakes have all triggered coordinated efforts. For instance, after the devastating 2010 earthquake in Haiti, CARICOM deployed medical teams, provided relief supplies, and facilitated reconstruction efforts. These actions demonstrated solidarity and compassion.
However, when it comes to political crises, CARICOM’s track record is more nuanced. Trinidad and Tobago, Grenada, and Haiti itself have grappled with political upheavals. In the case of Haiti, recurrent coups, instability, and governance challenges have strained CARICOM’s ability to intervene effectively. The 2004 ousting of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide and subsequent peacekeeping missions highlight both positives and negatives. An argument can be made for positives in their mediation efforts for the 2004 crisis as CARICOM brokered talks between rival factions, aiming for political reconciliation. Furthermore, the organization provided election monitoring where they observed Haitian elections, promoting both transparency and democratic processes.
Contrary to these positives, it is no secret that the regional bloc has experienced critical issues that must not be exclusively pinpointed to CARICOM’s interventions in Haiti. Firstly, there is the issue of an implementation gap, where CARICOM often struggles to implement its own decisions and policies, hindering effective crisis management. Secondly, there is undoubtedly a trust deficit as there is a lack of trust among member states which undermines collective action and can potentially hinder any degree of meaningful progress. Thirdly, there is an institutional weakness in that CARICOM lacks a rapid-response mechanism for political crises. There are far too many delays in deploying peacekeeping forces, which can play a significant role in hindering stability. Lastly, CARICOM has very limited influence. For example, in Haiti’s case, their internal dynamics often override CARICOM’s recommendations. The 2019 protests against fuel price hikes underscored this challenge coupled with the recent rejection of CARICOM’s proposal to quell recent political upheavals in Haiti.
It is important that I reiterate my introductory statement that CARICOM can do more for Haiti, but there are countless more obstacles they must overcome in order to provide effective assistance:
1) Resource Constraints: CARICOM faces financial limitations as the organization’s budget is dependent on contributions from its member states. The latest published CARICOM annual report in 2021 noted that the community council approved a budget of EC $56,602,329 for the CARICOM Secretariat. Now, let us put this into perspective, as the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs noted that in 2024 humanitarians will target 3.6 million people in Haiti (12% growth compared to 2023); however, to successfully meet this target, the Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan for Haiti will require 674 million dollars (EC $1,821,518,700). With the latest currency conversion rate at the writing of this article, it is currently $1.00 USD to EC 2.70. Of course, more support is urgently needed. However, we must remember that CARICOM member states are small, vulnerable economies. Their limited resources—financial, human, and logistical—constrain their ability to sustain long-term interventions. Haiti’s multifaceted crisis demands sustained commitment, which strains CARICOM’s capacities.
2) Governance Challenges: Haiti’s fractured political landscape complicates assistance efforts. The absence of a functioning government hampers coordination and decision-making. While the Transitional Presidential Council is a step toward stability, it lacks the full authority needed to implement comprehensive reforms and address systemic issues.
3) Security Risks: Gang violence and instability pose risks to aid workers and hinder humanitarian access. Haiti’s vulnerability demands innovative solutions.
4) Geopolitical Pressures: Haiti’s strategic location in the Caribbean basin attracts external interests. CARICOM’s actions must navigate geopolitical complexities, including interference from major powers. Still, balancing sovereignty and regional solidarity remains elusive.
5) Internal Fragmentation: CARICOM’s consensus-based decision-making process can hinder swift action. Differing priorities among member states sometimes impede cohesive responses. Haiti’s crisis requires unity, but divergent national interests persist.
Moving forward, I believe the following recommendations for CARICOM’s Response would greatly assist their efforts in Haiti:
1) Inclusive Council of Ministers: Appointing an inclusive Council of Ministers will foster stability and address urgent needs, from security to humanitarian aid.
2) Strengthen Regional Cooperation: CARICOM member states must pool resources, share expertise, and collaborate on crisis response. A unified front can mitigate Haiti’s challenges.
3) Prioritizing Capacity Building: Instead of solely focusing on emergency aid, CARICOM should prioritize programs that build long-term resilience and self-sufficiency in Haiti. This includes technical assistance in governance, infrastructure development, and economic diversification.
4) Leveraging Partnerships: CARICOM should work closely with international organizations and donor countries to pool resources and expertise. This can create a more comprehensive and coordinated approach to addressing Haiti's multifaceted needs.
5) Supporting Civil Society: Empowering Haitian civil society organizations and local leadership is crucial for ensuring that aid reaches those who need it most and that solutions are tailored to the specific context of the country.
6) Addressing the Root Causes: While humanitarian assistance is vital, CARICOM needs to advocate for solutions that address the root causes of Haiti's problems, such as political instability, corruption, and gang violence. This may involve supporting initiatives that promote dialogue, reconciliation, and democratic institutions.
7) Strengthen Institutional Mechanisms: Establish a dedicated rapid-response force for political crises, akin to the CARICOM Disaster Relief Unit.
8) Mutual respect: Haiti’s sovereignty must be respected and CARICOM’s role should be to support Haitian-led development initiatives.
Haiti's crisis demands a global response in tandem with CARICOM. However, it is essential to acknowledge that Haiti's problems are deeply entrenched and cannot be solely resolved by the regional bloc. Allow me to re-emphasize that this should be a case of shared responsibility. Any efforts must be strategically targeted, resource-efficient, and focused on long-term capacity building. Nonetheless, by working collaboratively with international partners and prioritizing Haitian ownership of solutions, CARICOM can make a meaningful contribution to lifting Haiti out of its current crisis and towards a brighter future.
As the sun rises again, Haiti awaits a lifeline. CARICOM’s burden is heavy, but its commitment to Haiti’s future remains unwavering. Together, we sail toward calmer waters, guided by compassion, resilience, and hope.
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